Mr Sultan Mahmud and Statehood of Arakan

          Article
          By Amn Ullah

          RT News
          30 Aug 2016 .
                 

“If two brothers cannot live together they must live apart independently of each other”.   Sultan Mahmud

Sultan Mahmud was a prominent leader of Burma and Muslims of Arakan. He was born and brought up at Akyab and educated at Calcutta. Mr. Sultan Mahmud was ex-cabinet secretary, an important post in British India legislative Assembly.

He contested in the bye-election for Buthidaung North constituency in 1957 and elected. He was inducted into the Cabinet of U NU as Health Minister. During his tenure of Health Ministry, Akyab General Hospital, Buthidaung Hospital, and numerous health centers in Maungdaw and Buthidaung rural area were established. Shaheb bazzar  State Middle School, Minglagyi State Middle School (later Ngakura State Middle School) and many primary schools were establish by approaching Education Ministry. In his initiative some Rohingya students also sent to England on state scholarships.

While U Nu was launching democratic movement against the army rule of Ne Win, some of his ministers went across the border to meet him. Mr. Sultan Mahmud secretly crossed to the East Pakistan.

After winning in the 1960 general election, U Nu appointed an inquiry commission to study the entire problem involved in the question of Arakan. According to the report of that commission 80% of the people of Sandoway opposed the Arakan state. If the state is granted they want to remain in Burma by incorporating Sandoway with the Bassein District. 50% of people from Kyaukpyu District opposed the granting of the state. The Muslims of Northern Arakan did not want Arakan State. They requested to keep them under Burma proper if the state is granted. However, 90% of people of Akyab District want the state. The Commission recommended for the plebiscite to grant the state of Arakan.  

Mr. Sultan Mahmud demanded a Muslim state comprising the region from the Kaladan River to Naaf River, pointing out that in 1666, Shaista Kahn had conquered up to Kaladan River. Since then the Kaladan River became a permanent border between the Rakhine and Rohingya majority areas. Muslim state was the platform of the election of ‘Mr. Sultan Mahmud and his colleagues’ in 1960 election. They won the election with the slogan of Muslim state.

In the memorandum submitted to the enquiry commission by the organization of Arakanese Muslims (of Sultan Mahmud), it was explained that they would support the “State” only on two conditions: if the Arakanese Buddhists would support their demands; and if the constitutions of the “State” would include, specifically, religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative, and educational guarantees for Muslims. The Head of State of the new “State” of Arakan would alternate: once a Muslim and once a non-Muslim.

When the Head of State was a Muslim, the Speaker of the State Council would be a non-Muslim, but his deputy, a Muslim; and vice versa. The same arrangement would also be in effect in the appointments, committees and other bodies. No less than one-third of the “State’s” ministers were to be Muslims. No law affecting Muslims would be passed unless and until the majority of the Muslim Members of the Council voted for it. In the matter of appointments to jobs in Muslim areas, the Chief of State would act on the advice of the Muslim Members of his Cabinet. In all appointments to government posts, to public services, to municipal positions and the like, Muslims would enjoy a just proportion in accordance with their percentage in the population. In filling the appointments allotted to Muslims, the Muslim candidates would compete among themselves.

The government would attentatively meet the educational and economic needs of the Muslims. No pupil would be forced to participate in religious classes not of his own religion. Every religious sect would be allowed training in his own religion in all institutions of learning. Every and any religious sect would be permitted to set up its own educational institutions that would be recognized by the government. Muslims would be completely free to develop their own special Rohinga language and culture, and to spread their religion. A special officer for Muslim Affairs would be appointed whose job it would be to investigate complaints and obstructions, and to report on them to the Chief of State. For a period of ten years from the date of the establishment of the “State”, the right would be reserved to every district - and especially to those of northern Arakan - to secede from the “State” and transfer itself to the direct jurisdiction of the central government in Rangoon. Those supporting these demands suggested bearing in mind the examples offered by the viable arrangements existing between the Muslims and Christians in Lebanon, between the Greeks and Turks in Cyprus, and among the Chinese, Malays, Indians, and Pakistanis in Singapore; only such just arrangements between Muslims and Buddhists could vouch for the success of the State of Arkan.

Innocent Rohingya Hacked Off inhumanely by the buddhist in Kyauk Taw , Rakhine State, Myanmar.

RT News
29 Aug 2016 .

One of the Paloung Village Dweller from Kyauk Taw whose name is Shomshu Alom son of  Abdul Ali was hacked with the knives by brutal buddhists while he has being attempting to come across dodging cattle on (29.8.2016)monday around 3:30 pm near his village where has pinpoint the Rakhine hamlet between Paloung Village and Kaungdal which is the most precarious buddhist village for the Rohingya Muslims of the Paloung Village.

The Buddhists were undertooken to assassinate him on the spot but fortunately he could escaped from the Buddhists brutal Buddhist' village. The Rohingya victims expressed that they have tried Tlto finish me but they were fail on their way and also I have got severe injuries on head and shoulder.

The local villagers said that it is not foremost time but it is the systematic plan to wipe out the Rohingya from our own land and country. And Myanmar Government is adding the fuel on the flame of the fire and also ignoring to confer our basic Human Right.

RT News .

Myanmar's Suu Kyi picks ex-U.N. head Annan to lead Rakhine State team.

RT News 

By Reuters

26 Aug 2016 .

            Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi picked former U.N. chief Kofi Annan on Wednesday to lead a commission to stop human rights abuses in Rakhine State, where violence between Buddhists and minority Rohingya Muslims has cast a pall over democratic reforms.

        More than 100 people were killed in violence in the northwestern state in 2012, and some 125,000 Rohingya Muslims, who are stateless, took refuge in camps where their movements are severely restricted.

Thousands have fled persecution and poverty in an exodus by boat to neighboring South and Southeast Asian countries.

      "The Myanmar government wants to find a sustainable solution on the complicated issues in Rakhine State, that's why it has formed an advisory commission," the government said in a statement released by Suu Kyi's office.

       Suu Kyi is barred from the presidency by a junta-drafted constitution, but runs Myanmar as state counselor and foreign minister.

The plight of Myanmar's Muslims has raised questions about the democracy champion's commitment to human rights and represents a politically sensitive issue for her after the end of decades of repressive military rule exposed communal tensions.

          The Rakhine commission would include nine independent members, including six Myanmar citizens and three foreigners, the government said.

RT News .

Muslim of Arakan and Censuses of India

Article
By Aman Ullah
26 Aug 2016.

RT News.

A population Census is the process of collecting, compiling, analyzing and disseminating demographic, social, cultural and economic data relating to all persons in the country, at a particular time in ten years interval.

The History of Census began with 1800 when England had begun its Census but the population of dependencies was not known at that time.

The Census of 1972 was considered to be prominent one and it contained 17 questions, though it did not cover all territories possessed or controlled by the British.

The Census of 1881 was a great step towards a modern synchronous census. In this Census, emphasis was laid not only on complete coverage but also on classification of demographic, economic and social characteristics. It took in entire continent of British India.

The Census of 1891 was on the basis of previous approach and efforts were made for hundred per cent coverage and Upper part of present Burma, Kashmir and Sikkim were also included. The departure from previous census was that in place of Mother Tongue, information on Parental Tongue was obtained.

Third continuous census was started on March, 1901. For certain remote areas, where detailed survey was not possible, population was estimated on the basis of houses. Major changes were: provision for house number, castes of only Hindu and Jains were recorded and in case of other religion name of tribe or race were recorded. A new question about the foreign language (English) was introduced.

The Census of 1911 commenced in all fourteen British provinces and Native states. Not only was the knowledge about English but literacy in English recorded.

The Census of 1931 coincided with a civil disobedience movement. Additionally, it included two new questions – Earner/Dependent and Mother Tongue.

The last census before independence was held under adverse conditions of war in 1941. Major changes were adopted in this census. Random samples were used and every 50th slip was marked to list the validity of a sample in census. Formation of questions was modified to the great extent.

It was not until sixth census, that of 1921, that racial classification of the population was attempted. In previous censuses the population was classified by religious only.

In the Chapter XI, Paragarph 157 of that census mentioned that, “Numbers are tabulated in Imperial Table XIII for three Indo-Burma Races, the Zerbadis, the Arakan Mahomedans, and the Arakan Kaman, all these being associated as Race-group ‘S’ for convenience.”

About ‘Arakan Mahomedans’, in the Paragraph 159 also mentioned that, “The Arakan Mahomedans are practically confined to the Akyab district and are properly the descendants of Arakanese woman who were married Chittagonian Mahomedans. It is said that the descendants of a Chittagonian who has permanently settled in Akyab district always refuse to be called Chittagonians and desire to be called Arakan Mahomedans; but as permanent settlement seems to imply marriage to an Arakanese woman it is quite in accordance with the description given. Although so closely connected with Chittagonian racially the Arakan Mahomedans do not associate at all: they consequently marry almost solely among themselves and have become recognized locally as a distinct race.”

“The Arakanese Buddhist in Akyab asked the Deputy Commissioner there not to let the Arakan Mahomedans be included under Arakanese in the census. The instruction issued to enumerators with reference to Arkan Mahomedan was that this race should be recorded for those Mahomedans who were domiciled in Burma and had adopted certain mode of dress which is neither Arakanese nor Indian.”

“The number of Arakan- Mahomedans tabulated in 1921 was nearly 24,000. The number tabulated at previous census as Mahomaden Arakanes have been as in Marginal Table 8 such difference of numbers as are shown here indicate enumeration of the Arakan-Mahomedans at previous under other description in the census tables of 1901 it is impossible to identify them. Probably under other Mahomedans tribes in all three earlier censuses mentioned, in the table.”

8. Tabulated Arakan-Mahomedans
Census      persons           M                      F
1921          23,775      12,740               11,035
1911         4,675           3,558                 1,117
1901           ----                ----                      ---
1891            466              288                    177


In the Report of 1931 Census, Volume XII, Burma, Part. I, Paragraph 140 mentioned that, "Figures of all population of different race-groups at the last four censuses are given in Imperial Table XVIII. The figures in that table for the years of 1901 and 1911 were obtained from Imperial Table XIII of those censuses and some difficulty was experienced in compiling them. In the Imperial Table XIII for 1901 the races, tribes and castes are classified according to the predominant religion, but the figure given for any race, tribe or cast include the figures for all religions with exception of 8,000 males and 7,000 females representing the Arkan- Mahomedans, which have been included in groups “S” (Indo-Burman Races). For the 1911 figures 10, 000 males and 9,000 females were taken to represent Arakan- Mahomedans and included in groups S (Indo- Burman Races)."

In Paragraph 141 mentioned that, “The number of Indians has increased from 881,357 in 1921 to 1,017,825 in 1931, i.e., by 136,468 or 15.5 per cent. In paragraph 16 of Chapter I, it is pointed out that many Arakan Mahomedans in Akyab district returned themselves as Indians at the 1921 census. The number may be roughly estimated at between 10,000 and 15,000, in which case the increase in the Indian population would be in the neighbourhood of 17 per cent.”

“In the Paragraph 143 also mentioned that, “The Arakan-Mahomedans are mostly found in Akyab district; the only other districts containing an appreciable number Kyauk Pyu (1,597) and Sandoway(1,658). They are properly the descendent of Arakanese women who had married Chittagonian Muslims. They are recognized locally as a distinct race and they dress different from the Arakanese and Chittagonians. The number recorded in 1931 was 51,615, which is more than double number of 1921, namely 23,775.”

“The Arakan Kamans have increased from 2,180 to 2,686 and are practically confined to Akyab and Kyauk Pyu districts.”

In the report of 1911 census, Volume IX, Burma Part I, Paragraph 264, it’s mentioned that, “the majority of the members of the Musalman tribes are to be found in the two districts of Akyab and Rangoon, which contain 56% of the Musalmans of Province (Burma). In Akyab they are indigenous and entered largely in the Agricultural occupation. The population of Musalman in Akyab district in 1901 is 154,887 and in 1911 it was 178,647.”

Thus, according to the series censuses we can tell that, ‘There was a Muslim community in Arakan, particularly in Akyab District, who prefers to call themselves Arakan-Mahomadens and were quite distinct from the Chittgonians and Bengali immigrants to Arakan.’ ‘According to Baxter report of 1940, paragraph 7, “This Arakanese Muslim community settled so long in Akyab District had for all intents and purposes to be regarded as an indigenous race.”

In 1825 Arakan became a British territory with a population of only one lakh souls, (Maughs 60,000; Muslims 30,000, Burmese 10,000). That’s means:-

Particulars              1825           1931             increased
Total                     100,000     1,008,  335          10 fold+
Rakhines                60,000        548, 566           10 fold -
Muslim                    30, 000         54, 248            2 fold -


The total population of Arakan increased 10 fold in 106 years from 1825 to 1931 and the Rakhine’s population also increased nearly 10 fold during the same years. Why the Muslim’s Population increased only nearly 2 fold, while the Buddhist population traditionally had a smaller growth rate compared to both Hindus and Muslims. There is strong possibility that the census on Muslims was incorrect. The populations of Arakan Mahomedans should be not less than 300,000 in 1931 not merely 51,615.

RT News

Early Arakan and Buddhism

Article
By Aman Ullah
26 Aug 2016.
RT News

(This is an extraction  of ‘Influence of Indian Esoterism on Sculptures of Arākān’ written by Vinay Kumar Rao, Assistant Professor Assam University, Silchar, Assam, India)

Arākān region is situated in its western mountainous region and stretches for about 560 Kilometres along the eastern shoreline of the Bay of Bengal. It is separated from Myanmar mainland by a long, deep range of mountains, the Arākān Yomā and by the River Naaf from Bangladesh. Arākān is a region comprised mainly with hilly tract and edged with number of small islands. The Arākān was easily accessible to eastern and north eastern part of India through centuries.

 Geographically Arākān appears moreover a part of India then of Myanmar. It is believed that the existing Mongoloid race residing in the region is mainly related with Indo-Aryan, who migrated to the region through its western borders and ruled the native population. The majority of people in Arākān now follow the Buddhism which is believed to reach this region not much antedate 5th century CE. Presently Arākān is a large rice growing area which has still easy communication with Bangladesh and India. In early times it provided a natural hub for trade on the easterly shore of the Bay of Bengal.1

 Arākān received Indian culture by land and sea route from eastern and north east India. It was in direct touch with India and received cultural influence from the west, not only from Bengal but also from the Buddhist centres like Bodha Gayā and Nālandā. From the beginning of first millennium CE Arākān adapted and reinterpreted Indian beliefs and art forms in a new environment shaped by its trade and for religious interchange .2

Vesālī, in Arākān from where large numbers of Buddhist images are found has clear evidence of Pyu influence who had well established cultural relations with monastic establishments of Bengal. The number of Hindu deity images like Brahmā, Viṣṇu, Śiva, Sūrya and goddesses are equal in number in Arākān and Śrikśetra. The Arākān region was always a secure region to practice vāmāc̣āra practises. This is confirmed by the writings of Tibetan scholar Taranath who mentions that in early times the Mahāyāna Buddhism spread over the Kokī land which was extended to Pagān, Arākān and Haṁsvatī.3

The sculptures in Arākān have evident reflection of both Hindu and Buddhist esoteric elements which flourished in its western neighbourhood of eastern and north eastern India after 5th century CE onwards. Moreover the both Hindu and Buddhist sculptures found in central and western Myanmar has great resemblance with the sculptures found at Ānanda Vihāra, Rupaban Murā (Maināmatī, Commilla), Pahārpur, Halud Vihāra, Mahāsthangarh (Nagaon, Bangladesh), Pilāk (Tripura) in eastern and north-eastern India.

The dominance of Hindu elements can be noticed significantly at Vesālī, where Hindu remains outnumber Buddhists. The large number of images of Hindu deities indicates that the early kingdoms of Arākān have great influence of Hinduism. The royal line, however, claimed descent from the lineage of Śiva, which may explain the Bull, Śiva’s mount. As in the case of Bengal, the worship of Viṣṇu in his form of Vasudeva, heredity of the Bhagavata cult espoused by the Gupta emperors, gained ready acceptance by the C̣andras of Arākān anxious to emulate the glorious imperial tradition.4

The Arākān region was a well strengthen fort of Mahāyāna school of Buddhism which due to geographical and cultural reasons always looks eagerly towards its Indian neighbourhood in west which is very evidently present in existing sculptural art of region. The Hindu and Buddhist secret and mystic practices ended into Indian esoterism and are well reflected in sculptural art of Arākān. Before going into the details of sculptural findings of Arākān it is important to discuss the origin and rise of esoteric practices in eastern and north-eastern India.

In addition to present Hindu deities and reflecting their indirect association with esoteric practices the artist in Arākān shows special inclination towards presenting various elements of Mahāyān. The Bodhisattva introduced in Hīnyāna but gained popularity in Mahāyāna, was a being having the wisdom and power sufficient to become a Buddha, but refrained from doing so in order to help others to achieve salvation suddenly received a wide attention of people. The artist in Arākān from very early phases carved large number of Bodhisattva images which are still intact in surroundings of Mahāmuni temple in Dhāñyawadī. Sitting in līlāsana the figure is dressed with hard stiffened uṣṇīṣa and a crown over it. He has big kuṇḍalas in ear and a short but broad kaṇtḥahāra in neck. It has ornaments like keyura and hasta-valaya. It has a wing like projections behind their shoulders which is decorated with a coiled motif and illustrates the glowing aureole, emanating from his body.5

Similar to Bodhisattva the lokapālas are conceptualised in both Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna as guardian deities appointed to protect the dignity of dhaṁṁa. The lokapālas known for having their dwelling on mount Meru are carved at gates of a Buddhist monument at its four cardinal points. In sculptural depictions a lokapāla is carved with a sword grabbed by its guard and resting its blade over left shoulder attentively.  At Mahāmuni temple a lokapāla is depicted having his right hand in abhaya mudrā, in manner to give protective assurance to followers. The lokapāla figures are dressed with harden uṣṇīṣa stiffened under coils and are shown with very elegant jewellery.

The Arākān region likewise its western counterpart in Bangladesh has plenty of images representing a female figure with multi snake hoods. The carving of nāgini is a well known artistic motif in Buddhist sculptural art, where it is taken as depiction of cohorts of nāgārāja Muc̣alinda protecting Buddha from climatic hazards. But the presentation of nāgini in such a role is restricted with single hood. It is known that the religion of Arī with an admixture of nāga worship held sway in the western part of Myanmar and the matter of snake worship in central Myanmar was influenced by Manipur which under the name nāgasyanta and nāgapura was a reputed centre of nāga worship.5 The deity was also considered important because of her capability to befit fertility and prosperity. The fertility and prosperity in form of achievement of a goal was in accordance to objective of Indian esoterism which was prevalent in eastern, north-eastern India and western Myanmar. A such image placed in modern Mahāmuni temple in Dhāñyawadī, shows a female deity with eleven hood; five each on both sides of central hood. The image carved from side angle is sited in relaxed posture and has rested left hand to ground raising the other in abhaya-mudrā. The deity with long face, sharp body details and slender form is dressed with impressive jewellery.

 The advent of Mahāyāna cult encouraged the sculptors to carve images of newly introduced deities in art. Dhāñyawadī and Veśāli representing earlier period in history of Arākān has few number of sculptural representation of Vausundharī. But the female deity attains a wide attention in monuments made at Mrauk U. Vasundharā or Vasundharī is Buddhist goddess symbolically representing prosperity and wealth. Simultaneously she is also considered as an earth goddess who assures the productiveness of crops. Identified with six arms she is usually shown in sited posture winging her hairs. The gesture and mudrā reminds about the witness given by earth goddess to affirm the dāna pāramitā of Buddha.6 Besides above posture the goddess is also shown in varada and abhyarthanā mudrā and in association with symbols like book, bunch of grain, water pot and jewels.

 A square plaque discovered from Veśalī illustrates an indentation in the centre to fit bottom of a vessel. The notch in the middle is surrounded by a circular periphery of lotus petals. The space between lotus petal ring and outer periphery has carving of twelve auspicious symbols viz.  śrīvatsa (winged), śankha (conch), matsya-yugma (double fish), a pātra (vase), cḥatra (umbrella), pair of c̣āmara (whisk), an ankuśa (goad), a bull, an staṁbha (pillar), a gander, a mayura (peacock) and a mṛiga (dear). The plaque is considered importantly to illustrate the symbolism derived from Hindu ritual and practices in connection to the royal coronation (rājyābhiṣekha) or lustrous ceremonies performed to consecrate Buddhist kings.7  But the carving of above plaque could be more conveniently considered in connection to representation of maṇḍalas which gained popularity after advent of northern Buddhism around 6th century CE onward. The maṇḍalas are drawn as concentric diagrams having spiritual and ritualistic significance in both Hindu and Buddhist esoterism.

 The sculptural art of Arākān, especially after Lemero period presents number of mithuna depictions where a male and female figure is shown involved in close physical association. The interior gallery of Shittaung temple illustrates a vibrant presence of Kinnaya couple as joyful mithuna. Both the Kinnaya and Kinnayī are shown from side angle exposing their body outwards. They have extended their feathers to glorify their beauty as celestial beings and gives cheerful facial expression. The same kinnaya couple is shown at the other half of the gallery in maithuna posture. Though the involvement of mithunas in coitus is fully absent in Arākān still good number of depictions are discovered which shows aggressive love making scenes. A scene on exterior wall of Shittaung temple shows a male figure in bāhya puruṣopspritaka with a lady standing to his right. The male figure is attempting to grab his companion in eagerness by her shoulder to get her in close embrace. The male figure is carved doing hard effort to touch the breast of lady with his extended left hand. The lower portion of the carving is badly mutilated but gives a good glimpse of ornaments and delighted facial expressions of female. The same temple depicts a mithuna involved in same manner. Likewise earlier the male figure once again seems to dominate in love act. The close posture reminds us about tilaṭaṇḍula, an āsana mentioned in Kāmasūtra where a woman and man lie side by side and take other’s thigh between own thighs and arms below arm pits. The size of the lady is comparatively small to her male counterpart but has clear notion of sexual enjoyment on their face. The male figure is giving smooch to his partner in excitement and is gently pressing her breasts. Similar kind of close embrace is found on an image pedestal of Mahā Bodhi Śwegu. The illustration is very similar to previous one except the more impatient participation of male figure who is shown engaged in caressing the both breasts of his beloved in eager.  

 The Htukkant Thein temple situated at a short distance from Shittaung shows a mithuna involved in uddhruṣṭ̣̣aka. Here both the male and female lovers are standing close together while clasping the other’s body with arms. Enjoying the extreme joy of love and experiencing a very gentle feeling the female is clasping her lower portion with one hand while the male is giving a mild touch to her breasts. The exterior of Shittaung temple presents a very vibrant carving of ithyphallic male figure enjoying the joy of sex. The male figure with erect male organ is squeezing both breasts of his companion. He has touched her one breast from right hand and grabbed other from behind. The lady sited on her knees is experiencing the ecstasy of love and is presented caressing the erected male organ and enjoying the passion of close love.

 Arākāna performed its best to preserve Mahāyān in western part of Myanmar. Arākān always looked to its western frontiers for inspiration and such wise adopted both Hindu and Buddhist esoteric elements. The Mahāyāna in its vajrayāna attracted them more and its conceptualization of Bodhisattva and combine efforts prajñā and upāya to attain vajra gained wide support in Arākān. As a result number of images of Hindu deities like, Viṣṇu, Śiva and Śakti and Bodhisattvas and Lokapāla from Mahāyāna pantheon were made. Besides repeating the artist forms of its western frontiers the region could be given credit to introduce new artistic form of Vasundharā and Nāgini (Manasā) in Arākān.

Reference
1. Collis, M. S. Journal of Burma Research Society, Vol. XIII, 1923, The City of Golden Mrauk-U, Rangoon, P.244.
2. Pamela, Gutman. 2001. Burma’s Lost Kingdoms: Splendours of Arākān- Bangkok, P.26
3. Durioselle, Chas. Archaeological Report 1915-16, The Ari of Burma and Tantric Buddhism, ASI, New Delhi, P.80.
4. Desai, D. 1985, Erotic Sculptures of India, New Delhi, P.114.
5. Desai, D. 1985, Erotic Sculptures of India, New Delhi, P.98.
6. Durioselle, Chas. Archaeological Report 1915-16, The Ari of Burma and Tantric Buddhism, ASI, New Delhi, P. 86.
7. Gutman, Pamela. 2001. Burma’s Lost Kingdoms: Splendours of Arākān- Bangkok, P.98

The Traditional Demand of the Muslim Rohingya of North Arakan

Article
By Aman Ullah
24 . 8 .2016

The ethnic Rohingya is one of the many nationalities of the union of Burma. And they are one of the two major communities of Arakan; the other is Rakhine and Buddhist. The Muslims (Rohingyas) and Buddhists (Rakhines) peacefully co-existed in the Arakan for many centuries.  In addition to Muslim (Rohingya) and Buddhist (Rakhine) majority groups, a number of other minority peoples also come to live in Arakan, including the Chin, Kamans, Thet, Dinnet, Mramagri, Mro and Khami who, though many are Christians today, were traditionally animists. The Kamans are Muslims and the Mramagri (Baurwa) are Buddhists. Some ethnic Burman also comes to live in Arakan since 1784 after invasion and occupation by the Burman.

Rohingyas, who trace their ancestry to Arabs, Moors, Pathans, Moguls, Bengalis and some Indo-Mongoliod people, are living in Arakan generation after generation for centuries after centuries. Their arrival in Arakan has predated the arrival of many other peoples and races now residing in Arakan and other parts of Burma. Early Muslim settlement in Arakan dates back to 7th century AD. They developed from different stocks of people and concentrated in a common geographical location from their own society with a consolidated population in Arakan well before the Burman invasion in 1784.

The Rohingyas are an indigenous people characterized by objective criteria, such as historical continuity, and subjective factors including self-identification, which need to define an indigenous people, and entitled to have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. Being indigenous peoples, they have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinct political, economic, social and cultural characteristics, as well as their legal systems, while retaining their rights to participate fully, if they so choose, in the political, economic, social and cultural life of State. They  have not only the right to a nationality but also have the right to their lands, territories and resources, which derive from their political, economic and social structures and from their cultures, spirituals traditions, histories and philosophies.

The Rohingyas are much more than a national minority. They are a nation with a population of 3.5 million (both home and abroad), having a supporting history, separate culture, civilization, language and literature, historically settled territory and reasonable size of population and area – they consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the society. They are determined not only to preserve and develop their ancestral history and their ethnic identity, but also to transmit to future generations as the basis of their continued existence as people, in accordance with their own cultural pattern, social institution and legal system.

Since Burmese independence in 1948, the Rohingyas have been struggling for their right of self-determination upholding the principle of peaceful co-existence within Burmese federation. They have long been trying to identify themselves with the Union of Burma on the basis of equality and justice. They think that the individual rights is not enough for them; they need their collective rights as a people, as an ethnic group, as a nationality who speak different language, who practice different culture, who worship different religion and who also has different historical background and, above all, all of us have territorially clearly defined homelands and nations since time immemorial.

That’s why they want to rule their homeland by themselves They are trying to find a political and legal system which will allow them to rule their respective homelands by themselves, and at same time living peacefully together with others who practice different religions and cultures and speak different languages.  In other words, they are trying to find a political system which can combine and balance between “self-rule” for different ethnic groups and “shared-rule” for all the peoples in the Union of Burma.

For this reason the Muslims of Arakan rendered their support to the British against the Japanese occupation in order to strengthen their standing in the region and encourage Muslim loyalty, the British had published a declaration granting them the status of a Muslim National Area. This entire area was re-conquered by the British at the beginning of 1945. The British set up Peace Committees and organized civilian administrations which functioned until Burma was granted independence in January, 1948. Most of the office-holders were local Muslims, Rohingya, who had previously cooperated with the British.

The principal political effect of the ‘Peace Committee of North Arakan’ was that it made the Muslims of Arakan autonomy conscious. The promise of British to create a Muslim national area doubled their desire for Muslim state. However, when the demand of Muslim State was put to Rees William Commission, the result was not good.

For this consciousness they went to Mohammed Ali Jinnah in 1947 either to fight for including north Arakan within Pakistan or pressurize General Aung San to grant autonomy to the Muslims of north Arakan.  To form an autonomous Muslim State, they took arms and was demanded “To form an autonomous Muslim State in north Arakan, comprising Buthidaung, Rathedaung and Maungdaw townships from the west of Kaladan River upto the eastern part of the Naf River that will remain under the Union of Burma.”

For this reason they joined hands with Arakanese Communist Party led by U Tun Aung Pru to fight together until the fall of the AFPFL’s government with the understanding that Muslims would take the western side of Kaladan whereas the rest of Arakan would be under the control of Arakan Communist Party.

For this reason they took arms and demanded that all the injustices against the Muslims of Arakan be corrected and that they be allowed to live as Burmese citizens, according to the law, and not be subject to arbitrariness and tyranny.

 For this reason the Muslims objected to the demand of the Arakan Party for the status of a state for Arakan within the framework of the Union of Burma. The large majority of the Muslim organizations of the Rohinga of Maungdaw and Buthidaung demanded autonomy for the region, to be directly governed by the central government in Rangoon without any Arakanese officials or any Arakanese influence whatsoever. Their minimal demand was the creation of a separate district without autonomy but governed from the center. The Muslim members of the Constituent Assembly, and later the Muslim M.P’s from Arakan raised this demand also during the debates in Parliament and in the press.

In the years 1960 to 1962, the Rohinga organizations and the respective Arakanese Muslim organizations initiated frantic activities with reference to the Muslim status in Arakan, and especially in the regions of Maungdaw and Buthidaung. This was in response to the promise made by U Nu on the eve of the general elections of 1960, that if his party won, he would confer the status of a “State” upon Arakan, within the framework of the Union of Burma, on a par with the “statehood” of the other integral states of the Union. After winning the elections, U Nu appointed an enquiry commission to study all the problems involved in the question of Arakan.

The Rohinga Jamiyyat al-'Ulama’ submitted to this enquiry commission a long and explanatory memorandum on the position of the Muslims of northern Arakan. The memorandum stated that the Muslims of this region constitute a separate racial group which is in absolute majority there; it called for the creation of a special district to be directly subject to the central government in Rangoon. The memorandum also demanded that the district have a “district council” of its own which shall be vested with local autonomy. As a compromise solution, the authors of the memorandum agreed to the district being a part of the Arakan “State”; however, they insisted that the Head of “State” was to be “counseled” by the Council in the appointment of officials and in all matters concerning the district and its problems. The appointed officials would also be briefed and advised by the Council. The district would also receive direct allocations for its needs and would enjoy particular attention in matters of culture, economies, and education.

The Rohinga Youth Association held a meeting in Rangoon on July 31, 1961, where the call was issued not to grant the status of “State” to Arakan because of the community tensions still existing between Muslims and Buddhists since the 1942 riots. A similar resolution was taken by the Rohinga Students Association, with the additional warning that if it is decided, despite all protest, to set up the “State”, this would require the partition of Arakan and the awarding of separate autonomy to the Muslims.

Muslim Members of Parliament from Maungdaw and Buthidaung likewise petitioned the government and the enquiry commission not to include their regions in the planned Arakan “State”. They had no objection to the creation of such a state, but only without the districts of Buthidaung, Maungdaw, and part of Rathedaung, where the Muslims were in the majority. These districts must be formed into a separate unit in order to ensure the existence of the Rohinga. Forcing the creation of a single state upon all of Arakan would be likely to lead to the renewed spilling of blood.

The problem of the Muslims of Akyab and the other regions of Arakan, where the Muslims were in the minority, were more complicated and their position led to tensions among the Rohinga organizations. There were those who deemed it pointless to object to U Nu’s plan of “Statehood” and therefore supported the granting of the status of “State” to the whole of Arakan, including the Muslim regions. They feared that separation of these regions would redound to the detriment of the Muslims in the rest of Arakan. They of course demanded guarantees and assurances for the protection of the Muslims; to this end they insisted that Muslims be co-opted to serve as members of the preparatory committee which would deal with the creation of the “State”. In the memorandum submitted to the enquiry commission by the organization of Arakanese Muslims (of Sultan Mahmud), it was explained that they would support the “State” only on two conditions: if the Arakanese Buddhists would support their demands; and if the constitutions of the “State” would include, specifically, religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative, and educational guarantees for Muslims. The Head of State of the new “State” of Arakan would alternate: once a Muslim and once a non-Muslim. When the Head of State was a Muslim, the Speaker of the State Council would be a non-Muslim, but his deputy, a Muslim; and vice versa. The same arrangement would also be in effect in the appointments, committees and other bodies. No less than one-third of the “State’s” ministers were to be Muslims. No law affecting Muslims would be passed unless and until the majority of the Muslim Members of the Council voted for it. In the matter of appointments to jobs in Muslim areas, the Chief of State would act on the advice of the Muslim Members of his Cabinet. In all appointments to government posts, to public services, to municipal positions and the like, Muslims would enjoy a just proportion in accordance with their percentage in the population. In filling the appointments allotted to Muslims, the Muslim candidates would compete among themselves. The government would attentatively meet the educational and economic needs of the Muslims. No pupil would be forced to participate in religious classes not of his own religion. Every religious sect would be allowed training in his own religion in all institutions of learning. Every and any religious sect would be permitted to set up its own educational institutions that would be recognized by the government. Muslims would be completely free to develop their own special Rohinga language and culture, and to spread their religion. A special officer for Muslim Affairs would be appointed whose job it would be to investigate complaints and obstructions, and to report on them to the Chief of State. For a period of ten years from the date of the establishment of the “State”, the right would be reserved to every district - and especially to those of northern Arakan - to secede from the “State” and transfer itself to the direct jurisdiction of the central government in Rangoon. Those supporting these demands suggested bearing in mind the examples offered by the viable arrangements existing between the Muslims and Christians in Lebanon, between the Greeks and Turks in Cyprus, and among the Chinese, Malays, Indians, and Pakistanis in Singapore; only such just arrangements between Muslims and Buddhists could vouch for the success of the State of Arakan.

At long last, it was on the first of May, 1961, in the provinces of Maungdaw, Buthidaung and the western portion of Rathedaung the government set up the Mayu Frontier Administration (MFA). It was not an autonomy, for the region was administered by Army officers; since it was not placed under the jurisdiction of Arakan, however, the new arrangement earned the agreement of the Rohinga leaders, especially as the new military administration succeeded in putting down the rebellion and in bringing order and security to the region.

At the beginning of 1962 the government prepared a draft law for the establishment of the “State” of Arakan and, in accordance with Muslim demand, excluded the Mayu District1. The military revolution took place in March, 1962. The new government cancelled the plan to grant Arakan the status of a “State”, but the Mayu District remained subject to the special Administration that had been set up for it.


RT News.

An elderly Rohingya have died brutally beaten

RT News
Sittwe (19.8.2016)


* Sittwe
Palm Desert camps
(80) sized elderly Rohingya man
Petitioners Arakanese refugees entangled in a wrong way
Rakhine extremists petitioners had actually got to the village
Wing a beat down without mercy from the same period in
Riddled with holes feel.
* Office.
* Process. . Sittwe,
Palm Desert camps
(80), a year-old man
Ali (left) Moderator lawmaker Ko Par
(14.8.2016) On the day of his privacy
Group issues a sandy creek, beauty
(Lithuania), the afternoon went to the village
(03:30) o'clock apart from his home
University
While walking back to danger error
Ah hand side of the road Triangle Rakhine village
Was inundated.
* And there's terrorist
Part of taking the old man shoplifting
Banquets blows struck in the left eye
The bench also served
Received from a refugee
AR News, along with the following information
Has been sent.
* The old man
ဒဏ်ရာပြင်းထန်စွာ hole ditch
Fell into a
Go see one of the Arakan
Mansi called the police station. Mathematical
Year. Once again, police families
Notification letters
Mansi Camp Coordinator to this big yellow button
Has been injured after a fall
Write it leaves families forced certificate
I ordered drug treatment order
If commanders if they dont open
I can not accept the threat of terror escape
A refugee from the AR News
Reports.
* This event Truth
Has been forced to admit error created
UN authorities also conflict
There seems to want more and Arakan
Miscellaneous encourage others fully
Has revealed. Previous
About three days assigned Chaung
Two Rohingya abuse
Arrest. $ 5000 money had drained
Office.
* The old man has now
Suffer severe internal injuries wounds
We're faced rustling sound off.

RO BRAVO Hla Report.

I'M A ROHINGYA

I'M A ROHINGYA.

By Mayyu Ali (MYARF)

RB Poem

August 19, 2016

Some say Rohingyas are Bengalis 

Who came from Bangladesh.
Some say Rohingyas are Kalars
Who immigrated illegally.
Some say Rohingyas are no ethnic group in Myanmar

Who included in history.
Ah! What a man can make a pure heart in worldly life!
It's your man-made of heart'
Afraid of affirming
That doesn't learn to let for truth
And it's your double-life of soul'
Afraid of dying
That doesn't learn to live in peace
Verily, this makes you trembling the muscle of your cheek,
Whenever you see me.
Why of a long-term of gaffe that you take to your heart!
Indeed, neither it's your innate faulty
Nor my everlasting doom.
Our time goes so fast.
Firstly, do change yourself
Then the world would be, too.
Common! Oh, my state-siblings,
Just drop the rope of ignorance.
And hang on the aft of truth.
Let's count on once!
In the winter,
For the beneath
The bitter snow lies the seed
When that's with the sun's love
And in the spring,
It becomes a truth for you.
Then, you'd have your scrupulousness again
Just to confess your heart-word of
"I'm a Rohingya."
"I'm a Rohingya."
"I'm a Rohingya."

Press Release: NLD Government Must Lift All Aid Restrictions in Arakan State.

Media Release from Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK)

For Immediate Release Thursday 18th August 2016

NLD Government Must Lift All Aid Restrictions in Arakan State

Tomorrow, Friday afternoon Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK is organizing a demonstration in front of Burmese Embassy in London as part of a global day of action being organised by the US based Burma Task Force. Demonstrations are also being held in Chicago, Washington DC, New York, Los Angeles and Stockholm. Rohingya organisations in more than 10 European countries are supporting the day of action, along with other organizations including Burma Campaign UK, Burmese Muslim Association UK and others. 

Four months after coming to power, the NLD led government has still not lifted severe restrictions on humanitarian aid delivery in Rakhine State. Government restrictions on aid are causing death and suffering for Rohingya and Kaman people living in squalid camps after being forced from their homes in 2012. Ethnic Rakhine, Rohingya, Kaman and all people in the State suffer because of the restrictions.

Since increased violence and repression in 2012,Rohingya people have faced a worsening humanitarian situation. Restrictions on travel and lack of security have made growing and buying food much more difficult for Rohingya people. Restrictions on international humanitarian assistance to those in IDP Camps and the rest of Arakan State also make the humanitarian crisis much worse. Since 2012 140,000 internally displaced people have been trapped in camps which UN officials have described as having some of the worst conditions in the world. These restrictions and lack of security force Rohingya people to make long and sometimes dangerous journeys to find food. More than ten percent of the Rohingya population have fled Burma since 2012.

Tun Khin, President of Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK said "Our people are dying in the camps where they fled to four years ago after they fled mobs burning their homes and villagers. They are dying in part because the new government has kept in place severe restrictions on delivery of aid. The NLD-led government should immediately lift all restrictions on international humanitarian aid in Arakan State, and ensure security for aid workers.” 

Protestors are also calling on the international community, including the British government, to apply pressure on the NLD led government to lift restrictions on aid. 

For more information please contact Tun Khin +44 7888714866.

Moshe Yegar and Muslim Settlement in Arakan

    

                           By Aman Ullah 
                           RT News 
                          17 Aug 2016 

[Moshe Yegar, was a Second Secretary at the Embassy of Israel in Rangoon during early 1960s. During his stay in Burma he submitted a thesis on the subject “Muslims in Burma” for my M. A. degree to the Hebrew University, Jerusalem.  His subject was to deal with the Muslim community in Burma from the eleventh century up until the year 1962 with a purpose of reconstructing the chronological history of the community and to follow the main trends that characterized that community. This article is part of his thesis.]

The Arakan District, extending some 350 miles along the eastern shores of the Bay of Bengal, is cut off from Burma by a range of near impassable mountains which were an obstacle against permanent Muslim conquest but permitted occasional inroads and contacts between Bengal and Burma. The northern part of Arakan, today called the “Mayu District”, was the point of contact with East Bengal. These geographical facts explain the separate historical development of that area - both generally and in terms of its Muslim population - until it was conquered by the Burmese Kingdom at the close of the eighteenth century.

In addition, from the very beginning of Muslim commercial shipping activity in the Bay of Bengal, the Muslim trading ships reached the ports of Arakan just as they did the ports of Burma proper. And as in Burma so, too, in Arakan is there a long tradition of old Indian settlement.

Bengal became Muslim in 1203, but this was the extreme eastern limit of Islamic overland expansion. In northern Arakan close overland ties were formed with East Bengal. The resulting cultural and political Muslim influence was of great significance in the history of Arakan1. Actually, Arakan served to a large extent as a bridgehead for Muslim penetration to other parts of Burma, although the Muslims never attained the same degree of importance elsewhere as they did in Arakan.

The influence of Bengal on Arakan was negligible up to 1430. This independent kingdom turned westward, toward Bengal, as a result of the growing power of the Burmese Court of Ava. In 1404, the King of Arakan, Narameikhla (1404—1434), was forced to flee the Burmese to Gaur, capital of the Bengal Sultanate, which 86 years earlier had already become independent of the Mogul Emperor in Delhi. Ahmad Shah, Sultan of Gaur, welcomed the refugee. Narameikhla remained at the court of Gaur, where he served as an officer in Ahmad Shah’s army and fought in his wars. In 1430, Ahmad Shah’s successor, Nadir Shah, granted Narameikhla’s request and gave him an army under the command of a general named Veil Khan, in order to regain his throne. This general betrayed him, but sometime after that Narameikhla succeeded in re-conquering Arakan with the help of a second army supplied by Nadir Shah. Upon his return, Narameikhla founded a new city, Mrohaung (also called Mrauk-U), which remained the capital until 1785 when Arakan was conquered by Burma. Narameikhla’s Muslim soldiers, who came with him from Bengal, settled in a village near Mrohaung and built the Sandikhan mosque, which still exists today. Muslim influence in Arakan, then, may be said to date from 1430, the year of Narameikhla’s return. As a result of the close land and sea ties between the two countries which continued to exist for a long time thereafter, the Muslims played a decisive role in the history of the Arakan Kingdom. 

Narameikhla ceded certain territory to the Sultan of Bengal and recognized his sovereignty. As proof of his vassalage and despite being Buddhist, he and his heirs took Muslim titles in addition to the Arakanese titles. He also introduced Nadir Shah’s system of coins bearing the kalima as used in Bengal since the Muslim conquest of 1203. Later on he struck his own coins which had the name of the king in Burmese letters on one side and his Muslim title in Persian on the other. Arakan was thus subject to Bengal until 1531. Her kings received their Muslim titles from Bengal sultans. Nine vassal kings received Muslim titles. Even after becoming independent of the Bengal sultans, the Arakan kings continued the custom of using the Muslim title in addition to the Burmese or Pali title. This was because they not only wished to be thought of as sultans in their own right, in imitation of the Moguls, but also because there were Muslims in ever-larger numbers among their subjects. Court ceremonies and administrative methods followed the customs of the Gaur and Delhi sultanates. There were eunuchs, harems, slaves and hangmen; and many expressions in use at court were Mogul. Muslims also held eminent posts despite the fact that the kingdom remained Buddhist.

The Arakan Kingdom was closely connected with the Muslim territories to the west in other ways as well. After the death of Narameikhla, Arakan started expanding northward and there were regular Arakan forays and raids on Bengal. Early in the seventeenth century the Portuguese reached the shores of Bengal and Arakan. At that time, too, the raiding Arakanese ships reached the source of the Ganges. They came into contact with the Portuguese and permitted them to establish bases for their operations and also granted them commercial concessions. In return, the Portuguese helped to defend the Arakan boundaries. In 1576 Akbar the Great, Emperor of Delhi, was efficiently ruling Bengal so that Arakan was now facing the Mogul Empire itself and not only Bengal. The Portuguese knowledge of firearms and artillery was more advanced than that of the Moguls, and Arakan profited much thereby. Joint Arakan-Portuguese raids on Bengal continued until the end of the eighteenth century and ceased entirely only with the strengthening of the British naval force in the Bay of Bengal. 

The capture and enslavement of prisoners was one of the most lucrative types of plunder. Half the prisoners taken by the Portuguese and all the artisans among them were given to the king; the rest were sold on the market or forced to settle in the villages near Mrohaung. A considerable number of these captives were Muslims. In addition to the Muslim prisoners and slaves brought to Arakan from Bengal and even from North India, many more came to serve as mercenaries in the Arakanese army, usually as the king’s bodyguard. 

The main source of information on that period is the Portuguese traveler, the Augustine monk Sebastian Manrique, who was in Arakan from 1629 to 1637. Using not only his own memoirs but also ancient Arakanese sources placed at his disposal, Manrique in his book describes the arrival of Muslim prisoners, and Muslim army units at the king’s court; he mentions important Muslims who were holding key positions in the kingdom and comments on the foreign trade colonies - mostly Muslims - which existed in Arakan. The prisoners were brought from Bengal in Portuguese and Arakanese ships, some of whose sailors were themselves Muslims - a fact that did not trouble them in their profession, not even the fact that enslaving a Muslim stands in contrast with the Muslim Law, the Sharia. Manrique gives a detailed description of such a Muslim prisoners’ convoy which he accompanied. He even tried - without success - to convert the Muslims to Christianity. Some of these captive slaves were settled in special areas guarded by Muslim soldiers.

The Arakan king of that period, Thirithudamma (1622-1638) had a Muslim counsellor or doctor. Manrique describes him as follows: “A false prophet of the Maumetan faith, who in promissing to render him [the king] invisible and invincible, undertook that he should obtain the vast Empires of Delhi, Pegu, and Siam, besides many other similar inanities ... [the Muslim doctor] having twice visited the hateful Mausoleum ... was held to be a saint by these Barbarians”.

Manrique witnessed the king’s crowning ceremony in which Muslim units also filled an important function. The parade was opened by the Muslim cavalry unit of Rajputees from India led by its commander the lascoursil (cavalry leader). With him marched the eunuch sword-bearers. “This man, who was of Maumetan race and sect, was dressed in green velvet ornamented with plaques of silver, mounted upon a superb white horse from Arabia ... This Agarene commander led six hundred horsemen in those squadrons: the first composed of Mogors, who, confident of future bliss in the paradise of their false prophet, were clothed in silks of various textures, but all green in colour. They carried gilded bows decked out with green, slung on the left shoulder. On the left side they also had slung from their cross-belts, handsome quivers, while curved scimitars, plated with silver, hung from their belts. All the horses in the Agarene squadron were clothed in green silks of various kinds”. The representatives of the Muslim units as well those of other religions such as the Portuguese officers or the Christian Japanese mercenaries in the king’s service, were not allowed to enter the pagoda for the crowning ceremony itself. 

Some years later, in 1600, the Mogul prince Shah Shuja* fled to Arakan. This important event brought a new wave of Muslim immigrants to the kingdom and also caused political changes. The episode has been described by many historians. Its exact details are not known and the several versions differ. Not all historians mention their sources. As early as 1639, Shah Shuja', the second son of the Mogul Emperor Shah Jahan, was designated deputy of the King of Bengal. In 1657 the Emperor fell gravely ill and it was rumored that he had died. The struggle for succession between the sons began immediately; Aurangzeb won, dethroned his father in 1658 and declared himself emperor. Shah Shuja continued his fight but was finally defeated in 1660. Since he did not succeed in establishing his rule in Bengal, he fled, together with his family and bodyguard (the number of his followers varies in each version), from Dacca to Chittagong. Sandathudama, King of Arakan (1652-1687), granted him permission to continue to Mrohaung on condition that his followers surrender their weapons. He appeared there on August 26, 1660, was welcomed by the king and given a dwelling near the town.

It is not possible today to differentiate among the various Muslim groups or between them and the Buddhist-Arakanese, among whom they live. The Arakanese Muslims are Sunnites despite the preponderance of some Shi'ite traditions among them. Under their influence many Muslim customs spread to the Buddhists, such as, for example, a veil for the women similar to the purdah. Today the Arakanese Muslims call themselves Rohinga or Roewengyah. This name is used more by the Muslims of North Arakan (Mayu region) where most of the Muslims - approximately 300000 - are concentrated, than by those living near Akyab. 

Writers and poets appeared amongst the Arakanese Muslims, especially during the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries; and there were even some Muslim court poets at the courts of the Arakanese kings. These poets and writers wrote in Persian and Arabic or in the mixed language, Rohinga, which they developed among themselves and which was a mixture of Bengali, Urdu, and Arakanese. This language is not as widespread today as it was in the past and it has been largely replaced by Burmese and Arakanese. These artists also developed the art of calligraphy. Some manuscripts have been preserved but have not yet been scientifically examined. Miniature painting in Mogul style also flourished in Arakan during this period. The Muslims who came to Arakan brought with them Arab, Indian, and especially Bengalese music and musical instruments. Persian songs are sung by Arakanese Muslims to this day.

That is how the Rohingas preserved their own heritage from the impact of the Buddhist environment, not only as far as their religion is concerned but also in some aspects of their culture.

Rohingya Refuse To access Medication In the Sittwe General Hospital,Rakhine State ,Myanmar.

By  Norul Amin
RT News

                         Photo: facebook
Thirty Five Years Old Rohingya Fazal Ahmed s/o Sultan Ahmed Who Has Faced Critical Disease In The Own TownShip Which Called Ponnagyun Township ,Sittwe.

The Muslims Community Requested Access Permission To Get Proper Medical Treatment From The Sittwe General Hospital But The State Government Refused to Admit to the hospital because The victims Is A Rohingya Muslims So The Patient Died On Accout Of The Ignorance Of Myanmar Government' Authorities.

It Is Not The First Time Discrimination Over The Rohingya Muslims,In 2013, 20 Muslims Were Pull Out From The General Hospital By Hlun Htein ( Police ).

Rakhinese Buddhist mobs, armed with sticks, poles and swords
threatened to kill all Muslim patients sent there By
INGO’s. They warned the doctors not to treat them.
Doctors discharged the patients, stating that they could
not be held responsible for their safety.
Police took the 10 patients and their caregivers from the
hospital and made a brief stop in Aung Mingalar before
taking them to their final destination, the Man Si
(Bawdupha) camps. These camps are used for
Rohingyas who become displaced due to violence. There
will be no medical treatment for them there.
Local villagers in Aung Mingalar gave them some food
and water. They took a list of names of the people. Those
who were able, took photos and hunched over their
overheating cell phones, sending emails and social media
messages, trying to get the word out of the injustice. This
act is a punishable offence for Rohingyas.
The villagers interviewed them. The displaced patients
said that despite being taken to the hospital by UN
members, they had been in the hospital for many days
without treatment and little food. One said that they
received two cups of tea and two pieces of cake per day.
One said that they had been without any food for four
days. Women who had gone to the hospital for deliveries
gave birth to still born babies. At least one other is
pregnant now and need serious medical attention. Some
are suffering from disease. When asked about the women
who had had their babies die,one villager told RB News
“It’s most of the time happened in the (Sittwe General)
Hospital as they don’t want any Muslims to be born and
delivered.”

Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine (Arakan) state are not
permitted to visit local hospitals. Sittwe General Hospital
has a ward designated for Muslims. Due to to travel
restrictions placed on Rohingyas, it becomes the
responsibility of NGO’s and INGO’s to arrange safe
passage for those in serious need of medical attention.
The mob was supposedly angry with organizations who
they had thought were being biased against them. This, in
reaction to the ICRC (Red Cross) transporting Rohingya
victims of violence while cutting firewood. ICRC
transferred the injured to the hospital in Rakhine state’s
capital. Later, in a separate case of violence with that saw
a 6 women attacked and Rakhine girl killed. The mobs
accuse the ICRC failing to transport the girl for treatment
as they did with the Muslims. The accusation of bias is
fairly dismissible as most of the field workers are
Burmese and Rakhinese. Despite this, on the evening of
the violence, an angry mob march toward the ICRC office
with the ambition to set fire to the building. They were
dispersed by police.
Reactions could be found in many villages. Reportedly,
Chairman of North Rupa Quarter in Sittwe, announced that
no one is to to rent buildings to any NGO’s. Many
Rakhines are calling for the removal of the organizations
from the area.
There were reports of police beating and threatening
Muslims. Pressuring someone to take the blame for the
killing of the Rakhine girl. One man, 27 year old Nur Kabir,
decided that although innocent, would turn himself in to
police the save the villages from the violence.
Fear of Muslims is being propagated all along Rakhine
(Arakan) state by government with the help of anti Muslim
groups. If there is violence against a Buddhist, mobs
demand a Muslim takes the fall for it. When groups try to
help Rohingyas specifically because of the overwhelming
need, it becomes opportunity for these groups to teach
the mindset that the organizations only care for Muslims,
therefore should not be trusted.

Another murder conducted by the doctors in
Myanmar's notorious Sittwe General Hospital
against a Rohingya patient has been recorded
after an 18-year-old pregnant woman was killed
on 24 April 2014.

Zuhra Khatun, who was one of many internally
displaced Rohingyas within Myanmar, was
rushed to a local doctor in her refugee camp in
the town of Sittwe (Akyab) on April 15 after
suffering complications in child birth.
The local doctor was unable to deliver her twin
babies, and quickly referred her to the Sittwe
General Hospital. Her family originally refused,
has doctors at the hospital are known to torture
and kill Rohingya patients, but they had no
other choice.
On her arrival at the hospital, she was told that
her babies had died in her womb and that she
required an operation to remove them. She was
sedated and remained asleep until the next day,
only to wake up covered in scratches and
bruises to her face.
According to a report in Rohingya Vision, the
doctors would then come to agitate the wounds
on her womb using tools while the dead bodies
of her unborn children were thrown in front of
her. She was also denied food and water.
On Thursday, April 24, after torturing the
patient, the doctor gave the young Rohingya
woman a lethal injection. She died shortly
afterwards.
Earlier in April, 28-year-old Hasina Begum, a
Rohingya refugee who had been displaced after
her village was razed to the ground by Buddhist
extremists, arrived at the Sittwe General
Hospital after also suffering complications in
pregnancy. She too was killed after three days of
torture by nurses on the orders of the doctor.
A week later, a five-month-old baby girl died
after suffering an asthma attack because her
family was too afraid to send her to the hospital,
fearing that the doctors would kill her.
Myanmar has been accused of genocide against
the Rohingya, who had their ethnic group
dismissed from a recent census as the state
claims they are Bangladeshis who have illegally
migrated to Myanmar.
Ongoing violence against the community by
Buddhist extremists in the Rakhine State have
forced many of them to risk their lives fleeing
the surrounding countries across dangerous
seas and terrain.
Many of those who survive the dangerous trek
have fallen victim to traffickers who hold them
hostage in remote locations. Many also face
deportation a persecution in the countries
where they seek refuge.

US State Department chides Southeast Asia in religious freedom report.

Myanmar ethnic Rohingya Muslims react while holding a banner showing portrait of Ashin Wirathu, a Burmese Buddhist monk and the spiritual leader of the anti-Muslim movement, during a demonstration held near the Myanmar Embassy to demand an end to discrimination against the Rohingya minority group in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 15 July 2016. Photo: EPA/FAZRY ISMAIL

By Logan Connor 

Southeast Asia Globe
August 12, 2016

From “disproportionate” restrictions on minority religious groups in Laos to unfair targeting of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar, the US is highly critical of religious freedom in Southeast Asia

Every country in Southeast Asia has come in for criticism in the US State Department’s 2015 report on religious freedoms, an annual global assessment of people’s ability to exercise their faith.

Thailand’s military junta was accused of using martial law provisions to “conduct arrests, detentions and warrantless searches” in Muslim-majority provinces in the country’s south, where ethnic and religious separatists have waged a long-running insurgency.

Discrimination against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar was highlighted as a key concern, citing the former government’s passing of “Protection of Race and Religion” bills, which critics say unfairly target Muslims. Myanmar has been listed as a “country of particular concern” by the state department since 1999, although there are some hopes of improvement under Aung San Suu Kyi’s leadership.

In Communist-ruled Laos, “restrictions on minority religious groups remained disproportionately high in certain provinces”, the report said.

David N. Saperstein, US ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom, said during a report briefing on Wednesday that Indonesia was one of several “tragic stories” due to its lack of religious freedom, citing the country’s enforcement of blasphemy laws.

Saperstein also positioned the report as an important source of information for NGOs, governments and members of civil society. “In the pages of this report,” he said, “we’re able to put a human face on this incredibly important issue [of religious freedom] that touches so many lives and remains a value of such concern in the hearts of the American people.”

US Secretary of State John Kerry (2-L) links his hands with Asean foreign ministers. Photo: EPA/NYEIN CHAN NAING

Despite ongoing challenges in Vietnam with respect to human rights, the report said “most leaders of religious groups agree that religious freedom is gradually expanding” in the country, citing national-level recognition of religious groups such as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

Gwen Robinson, a senior fellow at the Institute of Security and International Studies at Bangkok’s Chulalongkorn University, said that while the report was to be welcomed for highlighting injustices surrounding religious freedom, it was not likely to prove “particularly powerful”.

“I think it does invite some resentments,” Robinson said, “which add to all the other complaints about American standards being applied to criticised countries that have their own religions and cultures.”

Cambodia was cited in the report as containing “barriers to the complete integration” of the country’s Cham Muslim population. Phay Siphan, spokesperson for Cambodia’s Council of Ministers, said the state department’s assessment was not representative of “actual customs in Cambodia”.

“We try our best to harmonise,” said Siphan. “That’s why everyone, even though they have different beliefs in their own religion, they are living in peace together in Cambodia.”

RT News.

Why interdicted Rohingya Students to frequent the State Capital' Sittwe University?

Why interdicted Rohingya Students to frequent the state capital' Sittway University?

  By  Ziyabul Hoque

There are Six Universities in Rakhine State, namely...

1.Computer University, in capital Sittwe.

2.Government Technical Institute,in the Town Thandwe.

3.Kyaukphyu Education College,in Kyaukphu Town.

4.Sittwe University,in the capital Sittwe.

5.Taunggup University,in Taunggup Town.

6.Technological University,in  Sittwe.

Among this Universities, Sittwe University is only one University where Rohingya Muslims can present to pursue their education after facing many kinds of Tribulation from the LAWAKA (IMMIGRATION OFFICE) of the Concern Area.

All University is only forr the Buddhist Communities but just one university (Sittwe University)  is for the both Rohingya Muslim Community and Rakhine Buddhists Community. ( Other Computer University, Sittwe, government Technical Institute, Thandwe,Kyaukphyu Education College,
Sittwe University,Taunggup University,Technological University, Sittwe ) has no  Opportunity for the Rohingya Muslims of Rakhine State, Myanmar.

In this University, some Rohingya used to the possession of their degree Certificates and some Rohingya couldn't obtained their Certificate because of discriminating also some Rohingya couldn't proceed their final year on account of bigotry ,few Rohingya can grasped and be present  with their esteemed major such as law, Geology,Honours, Master but the ministry of education didn't hand over their Certificates by accomplishing their courses in Sittwe University.

On 19th February 2004,the
Rakhine Buddhist students hate and harass impatiently the
Rohingya Students.So ,on that time Rohingya has no other way except self-defense to the violence. During
clashes, hundreds of Rohingya Students, including Rakhine
Students, had suffered from the violence. Those of them, 6/7
Rohingya students, who were seriously injured,
were admitted to Sittwe Medical Hospital to cure them.

During this violence of 2004, more than 20 Rohingya arrested by military intelligence without any reasons but no arrestee from Buddhist Students Communities on that time and still now.

In 2010, one Rohingya University Student had beaten mercilessly on the forehead  by the forur Buddhists University Student ,Rohingya Students have complained but no action against Buddhist Students from the University. Later Rohingya Students hold themselves as a self-defense.

In 2011,some Rohingya University Student could get a chance to attend Sittwe University and finished their first year, unfortunately they lose their Education' Right Of Second year 2nd Semester at that University.

In 2012 , some Rohingya got their favorite Major but few Rohingya has been discriminated by Minister of Education for their chosen Majors.

By the way, got chance to the Sittwe University at first year on september but lost their first year second Semester for the Religious Conflict where thousands of killed and burnt alive in the whole Arakan formerly called Rakhine State ,Myanmar.

Unbearable justice of Myanmar government is that they shut the University just only for Rohingya Muslims from 2012 to 2016(till now)but Buddhists Students can get their Education in the Sittwe University continuously.

Is it not the crime of Myanmar Government over the Rohingya Muslim?

Noble Peace Prize Winner Daw Aung San Su Kyi's Government is also komplementing those law which has no Basic Human Rights for the Rohingya Muslims of Myanmar.

Why is Rohingya misfiring their Basic Human Rights of citizen , movement , education and so on ?

RT News.